The Baloch independence issue has been festering since Pakistan’s independence in 1947 when the princely state of Kalat was allowed to choose between joining Pakistan or seeking independence. The Khan of Kalat opted for independence, which the state got for all of 227 days.
PUNE: The Jaffar Express is one of Pakistan’s most prestigious long distance trains. Starting from Quetta, it traverses the mountains of Balochistan till it enters Sindh, and then turns northwards to cross almost all of Pakistani Punjab, and finally completes its 1600 kms long journey at Peshawar. The train is a symbol for Pakistan Railway. It is also a prime target for Baloch freedom fighters who have struck it four times in the past three years itself.
When the green nine-coach train left Quetta station at 9 a.m. on 11 March, it was packed with locals, Pakistani soldiers and security personal heading back to their homes for a spot of leave. It chugged up the famed Bolan Pass in the rugged mountains of Balochistan, crossing several tunnels and bridges along the way. At around 1.30 p.m. as it approached tunnel 8 between Pehro Kunri and Gadalar stations, an IED blast detonated on the tracks, derailing the engine and bringing the crippled train to a halt. Fighters of the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) comprising of members of its elite Majeed Brigade, Farah Squad and Zirab units, stormed the train, overpowered the security guards travelling in it, and took over the train and its 400 odd passengers. Most of the women, children and elderly were released and allowed to return. The others, mainly security personal, were held hostage. In a tweet, the BLA claimed complete responsibility and stated that, “214 hostages are considered as prisoners of war, and the occupying state of Pakistan is given 48 hours to release Baloch political prisoners, forcibly disappeared persons and national resistance activists.”
These demands were legitimate. Balochistan has been virtually occupied by Pakistani forces, its natural wealth siphoned off and over 5500 activists have been held in Pakistani prisons or have simply disappeared. By the time Pakistani commandos re-took the train 24 hours later, over 30 security persons had been killed and all 33 attackers eliminated, as per the Pakistani army. The BLA claimed that the civilians had been ‘released’ by them and not ‘rescued’ by the army, and around 60 Pakistani military personnel had been killed. Perhaps the actual figure is somewhere in between. And though the immediate crisis seems to have been diffused, the long-term solution is nowhere in sight.
THE BALOCH INDEPENDENCE STRUGGLE
The Baloch independence issue has been festering since Pakistan’s independence in 1947 when the princely state of Kalat was allowed to choose between joining Pakistan or seeking independence. The Khan of Kalat opted for independence, which the state got for all of 227 days. Then on 26 March 1948, the Pakistani army entered Kalat and the adjoining provinces, and the Khan was coerced into agreeing to join Pakistan. The area of Kalat and adjoining provinces became Balochistan – Pakistan’s largest province that holds 44% of its land mass but less than 10% of its population. It is the richest in terms of minerals, gas and natural wealth, but is the most exploited. The sense of resentment felt by the Baloch people has spilled over in four insurgencies – the first in 1948 and again in 1958-59 which were put down with a heavy hand. A major insurgency surged in 1973 when the provincial government of Akbar Khan Bugti was dismissed by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who then launched a major military operation on the guise that a cache of arms had been discovered for Baloch rebels. Over 55,000 Baloch tribesmen of the Marri, Mengal and Bugti tribes joined hands, forcing Pakistan to deploy over 80,000 troops and use fighter aircraft and gunships to brutally curb the movement in a two year campaign.
The turning point came in 2006, when Nawab Akbar Bugti, a respected Baloch leader, who was demanding greater autonomy, resource control and a fair share of the gas revenues, was assassinated by Parvez Musharraf. This triggered off a wave of violence that gave rise to the BLA and its wing of suicide bombers of the Majeed Brigade and other factions.
The second major trigger was the construction of Gwadar port—the centrepiece of the China- Pakistan-Economic Corridor – and the development of the road from Gwadar to Xinjiang. That road and port promised to usher in an era of prosperity for the region. But the locals did not receive any of the promised largesse. Its profits—if any—were siphoned off by the Chinese and the Punjabi elite. Even the workers had been brought in from China, and the project operated by Chinese firms. In fact, its only benefit was that it enabled locals to set up puncture shops and tea stalls along the highway. The resentment against the project led to a series of attacks on Chinese personal. Suicide bombers struck vehicles carrying Chinese engineers, Chinese workers were attacked, the Pearl Continental Hotel at Gwadar, which housed Chinese official was hit by a bomb, and other symbols of Chinese presence systematically targeted. The attacks virtually stalled the CPEC and forced the Pakistani Army Chief to fly to Beijing to give personal assurance for the safety of the project. Two full army divisions were deployed to protect the port and road. But in that rugged mountainous terrain, ensuring security against a determined attack is well-nigh impossible. Keeping the road and rail lines of communications open between Balochistan and the rest of the country proved to be a nightmare—as this attack shows.
PAKISTAN’S MOMENT OF RECKONING
Could this attack be another 1971 moment for Pakistan? A Member of Parliament, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, openly announced in Parliament that 7-8 districts are no longer in Pakistani control and they could very well lose the state in the same way that they lost Bangladesh. It is a statement that is very close to the truth.
Because it is not just Balochistan on the boil. To its north, the adjoining province of Waziristan has virtually come under the sway of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), actively added by the Taliban regime in Kabul. They make no bones of the fact that they do not recognise the Durand Line, which they call “The Hypothetical line,” and slip from Afghanistan to Pakistan to carry out their attacks and slip back again. (In much the same way that the Pakistanis allowed Afghan militants to operate from Pakistan, enter Afghanistan for their attacks and slip back to safe sanctuaries in Pakistan after that.) For the Taliban – flush with their victory over the USA – extending their version of Sharia law into neighbouring Waziristan, and then all of Pakistan, is next on the agenda. And if we see the pattern of attacks, there is increasing coordination between the TTP and the BLA. An attack
There are still many hazy areas about the hijacking, especially in terms of casualties inflicted on security forces. Pakistan claims that its security forces got the situation in control in around 24 hours, but have revealed no details of the operation or its aftermath. But in many ways, it has brought the Baloch freedom struggle in the limelight, and demonstrated the BLA’s capability to launch spectacular strikes such as capturing a complete train. The Pakistani establishment will respond as they usually do—blame ‘external forces’ (read India), launch an operation with a high-sounding name, and respond with increased heavy handedness. That is not the answer. In its political and economic churn, the army is divided in combating two insurgences virtually across the length of its eastern borders and would be hard pressed to contain them. This moment should serve as a wake-up call for the Pakistani establishment, where they should address the legitimate aspirations of the Baloch people, have a give and take approach, and find a mutually acceptable long-term solution. Else, as Maulana Rehman has prophesied—another 1971 moment could be just around the corner.
* Ajay Singh is the international award winning author of seven books and over 200 published articles. He is a regular contributor to The Sunday Guardian.